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Revolutionary War Historical Article
The American Revolution Month-by-Month July 1780
By Compatriot Andrew "Andy" Stough
Editor's Note: This article was reprinted by Permission of the Gold Country Chapter No. 7 of the CSSAR and was slightly edited by the Sons of Liberty Chapter of the CSSAR
In the light of continued losses to the British it is easy to realize that in July of 1780 the Continental Army, Congress, and the very life of the new nation was perhaps at its most dangerous period of the five year old war. It is ironic with victory at Yorktown so near (October 19, 1781), that morale should be so low for both the Army and civilians. Lack of supplies and pay, combined with poor living conditions and what appeared to be a lack of ability to defeat the British on any front, discouraged the desperately needed recruitment of replacements for the Continental Army.
Not only was morale in the standing army low, but economic conditions in the United States were deteriorating rapidly, leading to additional unrest among the civilian population. Benedict Arnold’s performance in Philadelphia described below helped set the stage for the loss of the common man's faith in public officials. If you couldn’t trust an honored war hero like Arnold - then who could you trust?
The public was angry, if it could not have victories on the battlefield and prosperity at home, then it needed a someone to blame for the sad state of affairs. Robert Morris, a wealthy Philadelphia banker, was in charge of finances for prosecution of the war and the support of Congress. It had been rumored on the street that he was making a fortune out of the sale of government flour while American soldiers were starving for lack of food. When things are looking bad and morale is low the public must find a scapegoat to appease it’s anger. In this case they found Robert Morris, a signer of the Declaration of Independence. The same Morris who, implored by General George Washington at an earlier time, had raised $50,000 in paper money using his own credit. In 1781 it was his efforts that allowed Washington to move his army from Dobbs Ferry to Yorktown by requisitions on the states, arranging loans from the French, and finally supplementing that money by funds from his own pocket and loans against his personal credit.
Morris was accused and charged in court of making money at government and public expense. After presentation of evidence he was acquitted of any wrong doing. In fact, it was clear that if anything, he had endangered his personal fortune to assure the United States victory and independence. Like many of his contemporaries who signed the Declaration of Independence, he lost his fortune. He then became bankrupt and spent over three years (1798-1801) in debtors’ prison. Born in Liverpool, England in 1734 he died penniless in 1806 and was buried in a pauper’s grave in Philadelphia.
Arnold, probably the best tactician in the American army, had been relieved of his command in Philadelphia and would be given command of the fort at West Point. He has also renewed his correspondence with British Major Andre regarding a betrayal of secrets concerning the Continental Army and the possibility of the betrayal of a command. This time he made concrete demands, including a general’s rank in the British army as compensation for his betrayal. As military governor of Philadelphia. Arnold lived like a king, far beyond his means, even drawing excessive amounts against his military pay and expenses to allow him to entertain Loyalists in a grand style. He lived high and extravagantly, using American soldiers as footmen and servants in his luxurious mansion. During this time he met Peggy Shippen, the 18 year old daughter of a leading Tory. Arnold had acquired Peggy’s dad as a confidant and friend. Enamored of the young socialite, he divorced his wife and married Peggy, strengthening his ties with Loyalists in the city. There was much talk and gossip about his social and financial affairs. Many people wondered how even a General in the American Army could afford to live in such a high and grand manner. The City Council hated him for the way he treated them and the merchants of the city in what they considered military racketeering at the expense of the good citizens and merchants of Philadelphia. He was formally accused of abusing his office as military commander of Philadelphia by using his station to make secret financial dealings to support his extravagances. At the time, if it had been known, he could also have been accused of having secret dealings with the British.
During the month of July the civil charges were dropped and he was ordered to stand trial by a Court Martial. Found guilty of some minor charges, it was required of Washington that a reprimand be given. Mild as the reprimand was it was seen by Arnold as further proof that he was being unfairly treated by both Congress and the military. Returned to active duty at Headquarters, Arnold moped around and complained that his leg wound, while well enough for limited duty was not ready for the rigors of a combat arm. What he requested was a more sedentary and administrative position commensurate with his rank – in fact he boldly asked for command of the fort at West Point. If given that position he could easily communicate with Andre and arrange for the turnover of the fort with little or no effort on the part of British Commander-in-Chief General Sir Henry Clinton.
Congress believed that it should be the appointing authority for Field Commanders and had appointed English born Virginia planter, Major General Horatio Gates (who had gained fame at Saratoga -See Note) as commander of the Southern Army. This overrode Washington’s appointment of the self-styled Baron de Kalb as commander. De Kalb, like Baron Von Steuben, was a veteran of European wars and now was a long time tactical commander in the Continental Army. De Kalb had proven his worth many times over. A look at his career would indicate that had he been left in command the Battle of Camden might have had a different ending. At any rate, Gates returning from inactive duty at his plantation, took command of the Southern Army on July 25th.
July of 1780 also saw the beginning of the end of John Paul Jones' odyssey in European waters and the beginning of his return voyage to the United States. Morison states that there were rumors that Jones was secretly pleased to leave Alliance in the hands of Landais and Lee. This eliminated the havoc of traveling across the Atlantic with the two conspirators and a mixed and divided crew. It also left him free to continue his pleadings at court to allow him command of a French fleet for an invasion of the British Isles. He was not to get his wish. His original successes at court had been due primarily to the influence of Lafayette, who had returned to the states. With Lafayette gone there was little support in France for his dream. French authorities put him off by saying that there was too great a shortage of crewmen to continue the naval war in other parts of the world and at the same time mount a successful invasion of England.
On July 10th, two events occurred. First, 6,000 French soldiers, well equipped and battle ready, were put ashore at Newport, Rhode Island, under General Jean Baptise compte de Rochambeau. An able soldier, Rochambeau and his troops were to remain in Newport until shortly before the siege of Yorktown. The second event is the assignment of Paul Jones to command the sloop of war, Ariel. It was hardly what Jones wanted, but he was ordered to load the 300 tons of military arms and supplies left behind when Landais departed in Alliance. He was also charged with the requirement to sail as soon as possible and this time without delay. Without a doubt both Benjamin Franklin and the French government had seen quite enough of John Paul Jones regardless of his successes about the British Isles.
It took some time to convert the sloop Ariel from a military vessel to a transport. Loading of the cargo took a few days but the necessary supplies to put to sea were not loaded. The heat was on for Jones to get to sea and on July 18th, Ariel finally began loading supplies. Ariel was ready to sail on July 25th, but Jones lingered in port. He would sail, but not before he arranged a farewell party aboard ship in September. While pushed by Franklin and the French to get to sea, he would spend August partying and at one point becoming caught in a compromising, but not desperate, position with the comely 17 year old wife of a supplier. So ends July, 1780.
Note: Gates is seen in different ways by different historians. Some see him as the true victor at Saratoga. However, most historians attribute the groundwork laid by General Schuyler and the on-scene tactical officers such as Benedict Arnold who by their leadership and valor saved the day and the victory for Gates. Gates was a favorite of many in Congress and was seen by them as the best choice to lead the Southern Army to victory.
References: Arthur Meier Schlesinger’s "Almanac of American History"; Christopher Ward's "The War of the Revolution"; Samuel Elliot Morison’s "John Paul Jones"; Bruce Lancaster’s "The American Revolution"; James Thomas Flexner’s "Washington, The Indispensable Man."
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